.jpg)
Hiermit möchte Snehalaya seine Gratulation an Mathias Reier aus Berlin für seinen B.A Abschluß bedanken
Mathias veröffentlicht hier seine Bachelor Arbeit,um zu zeigen wie wichtig es ist ein Leben als Frau in Indien führen zu müssen
Gerne kann man sich diese Arbeit hier downloaden:
Bachelorarbeit in Soziologie von Mathias Reier über den Kampf gegen Menschenhandel.pdf
Bachelorarbeit
am
Institut für Soziologie
Fachgebiet für Methoden und Statistik
Professor Nina Baur
TU Berlin
An analysis of the intersections of social circles of the human
traffickers in Maharashtra in 2006
Eingereicht von: Mathias Waldemar Manfred Reier
E-Mail: mathias.reier@gmx.de
Studiengang: Soziologie technikwissenschaftlicher Richtung
Fachsemester: 6
Berlin, den 20.06.2014
Index
Index ............................................................................................................................................... I
Abstract (Eng) ............................................................................................................................... II
Abstract (Hindi) ............................................................................................................................. II
Abstract (Ger) ................................................................................................................................ II
1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 1
2. An overview of social status and appearance ............................................................................ 2
2.1 The social appearance (characters) of human traffickers .................................................... 2
2.2 The social status of victims and clients ............................................................................... 5
2.3 A short story overview of the traffickers, their clients and victims ..................................... 6
3. The theory of the intersections of social circles and cultural customs ...................................... 8
3.1 Simmel’s understanding of free chosen – and given social ................................................. 9
3.2 Possibilities to enter social circles ..................................................................................... 12
3.3 ‘Iron’ aspects of Indian culture .......................................................................................... 13
3.4 Indian castes and the intersection of social circles ............................................................ 18
4. An analyses of the intersections of social circles: human trafficking ..................................... 19
4.1 Shilas cultures and intersections ........................................................................................ 20
4.2 Ramesh cultures and intersections ..................................................................................... 22
4.3 Vilas cultures and intersections ......................................................................................... 22
4.4 Ram cultures and intersections .......................................................................................... 24
4.5 The organisation of the human trafficker, their culture and intersections ......................... 26
5. Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 29
List of references .......................................................................................................................... III
Literature .................................................................................................................................. III
Internet ..................................................................................................................................... III
Abstract (Eng)
In the following paper, the BIG CASE of human trafficking for the NGO Snehalaya in
Ahmednagar in 2006 will be analyzed. For this analysis, Georg Simmel's theory of the
intersections of social circles is used. The focus will be on the intersections of the social
circles of the human trafficker within a specific time frame, starting with the abduction
of a young girl, through the arrest and trial of the traffickers, until their sentencing. This
analysis aims to identify a sociological type or classification for the people involved in
human trafficking.
Abstract (Hindi)
इस शोध काय
म गैर सरकार संगठन ' नेहालय' ारा 2006 म मानव त कर पर कए गए
मह"वपण
म ू कदमे का 'व त ु त 'व)ेषण कया है| इस 'व)ेषण म जाज
-समल के 'सामािज ृ क
समदाय के अ0त1यापन' के -स ं2ां3त का सम4 उपयोग कया जाएगा ु | यह अ6ययन चार मानव
त कर8 के सामािजक समदाय के अ0त1यापन को दशा
ता है तथा उनके ारा एक लड़क; ु के
अपहरण से लेकर काय
समापन तक <याकलाप पर क =>त है| इससे यह प? होगा क कस
@कार के 1यAB 'वशेष मानव त कर समह से सCब3ध रखते हF तथा उनके 1यवहार को भी ू
द-श
त करते हF|
Abstract (Ger)
In dieser Arbeit wird der Große Fall vom Kampf gegen Menschenhandel für die NGO
Snehalaya von 2006 analysiert. Für diese Analyse wird die Theorie von Georg Simmel
über die Kreuzung der sozialen Kreise herangezogen. Es liegt hierbei ein Focus auf den
Kreuzungen der sozialen Kreise der 4 Menschenhändler von dem Beginn als sie ein
Mädchen entführt haben bis zu dem Moment bei dem ihre Arbeit ein Ende fand. Es soll
dabei klargestellt werden, welche Art von Mensch sich in einer solchen Gruppe von
Menschenhändlern befinden kann und wie sie handeln.
1. Introduction
If someone without knowledge of human trafficking thinks about this subject he or she
might think that it is simply media sensationalism and that, in reality, cases of forced
prostitution are rare. But in fact, there are numerous criminal networks specializing in
the trafficking of humans. These networks have been developed to satisfy the demand
of an underground slavery market. Men, women and children are bought and sold as
commodities to be used for forced labour, sexual slavery and commercial sexual
exploitation, such as prostitution. They usually work in red-light areas, or in similar
settings, on the fringes of mainstream society. As one might expect information
regarding this ‘underworld’ is space. According to UNODC (United Nations Office on
Drugs and Crime) there are approximately 12.3 million cases of human trafficking each
year of which only about 43.000 are reported between 2007 and 2010 (In 2009 6.900
victims were detected).1
But, in 2006 only 14.909 (of approximately ‘12.3 million’)
victims of human trafficking could be identified.2
Sociologists following this and/or
similar phenomena can apply to them the theory of the ‘black box’ due to the hidden
presence in society of such criminal networks. They keep themselves completely
separated from other parts of society (‘social circles’). To a certain degree, sociologists
are forced to accept the nesciences of the situation, as are we. Nonetheless, we must ask,
is this black box really hidden? Black holes were also once a hidden presence.
According to Steven Hawking a black hole is not actually black. He explains that if they
were black in the sense of our perceptions and our general understanding (and perhaps
the understanding of a black box as well) it would be invisible to our eyes. A person can
only notice this ‘phenomenon’ by touching it. But, we are able to ‘visually’ locate black
holes by identifying their outer rings (e.g. x-rays, light rays, etc.) and by observing their
Influences on other celestial bodies on which they have an effect (‘intersections of
circles’).3
Human trafficking is similar; more of this hidden ‘underworld’ is detected
with every arrest of a trafficker, rescue of a victim, the influence of involved people
(clients, witnesses, police, NGOs etc.)4
and all of them follow social and society rules.
1
Vgl. United_Nations (2012), S.25-26. .
2
Vgl. United_Nations (2009), S.48.
3
Vgl. Hawking (2003), S. 109-133.
4
To observe something light is needed. Light is a source of information and one of the first
steps in uncovering more the social circles of human traffickers.
Often, these theories are formulated by a sociologist. One of them is Georg Simmel.
Georg Simmel's theory on the intersections of social circles would attribute such
detections to the intersecting of social circles of traffickers due their work. We will be
applying his theory to a case study to better understand the social mechanisms which
the traffickers exploited in order to conduct their illegal activities undetected. A human
trafficking ring uncovered in Ahmednagar, India in 2006 will serve as our case study.
We are limiting the scope of this survey to four traffickers and one of their victims.
These five individuals will be used to identify and flesh out the social circles to which
they belonged. They will then be classified in accordance with Simmel's theory of
intersecting social circles. For a broader context we will also be examining intersections
between the social circles of traffickers, victim, witnesses called during the trial, as well
as the acting court justices in the case. Much of the information regarding this case has
been gathered from police reports and field interviews with social workers of the NGO
Snehalaya well as from documents and records provided by Snehalaya. Additional
information was gathered in the field by visiting the crime scenes.
2. An overview of social status and appearance5
In this chapter we will be examining a large human trafficking ring uncovered in the
Ahmednagar of the state Maharashtra, India in 2006. We are trying to better understand
how one enters the world of human trafficking, as a trafficker, buyer or as a commodity.
We will be concentrating mainly on the personal stories of four traffickers in particular.
Each one of the traffickers was able to assume a new identity and convincingly present
him or herself as a member of a casts to which he or she did not belong. We will
examine the social environments through which these traffickers had successfully
navigated, for a time, before they were apprehended.
2.1 The social appearance (characters) of human traffickers
We now introduce our four traffickers: Shila, Vilas, Ramesh and Ram.
Shila is unusual not only in that she was a woman involved in human trafficking but
also because she seems to have had a position of significant power in the hierarchy. She
seems to have had several men working under her.
5
This chapter relies heavily on documents from Snehalaya, interviews, knowledge of social
conventions.
She was a 37-year-old unemployed woman from Ahmednagar who owned her own
home. She belonged to the former Shepherd caste,6
which is formerly one of the pariah
castes of India. They were also referred to as a backward class.7
Shila's real husband was
called as a witness in the case. According to his testimony, Shila's lover Ramesh assumed the
identity of her husband, and used her husband's name while engaging in illegal activities. The
court found Shila's legal husband innocent of any involvement in the human trafficking ring of
which his wife was a part. 8 After her arrest, Shila was diagnosed HIV positive. She died one
year after her arrest.
The Western media has cast the life of women in India in a certain light which portrays
them as helpless and subject to the whims of a patriarchal society. However it will
become evident that Shila's personal circumstances, even if in sick irony, contradict the
image of women presented in Western media.9
Ramesh acted as her husband and
assisted her in her illegal activities.
The following text suggests that she was a woman with an established/justified role
which allowed her to play a vital role in human trafficking. It also suggests that she
made use of intimidation tactics. In this regard, she is similar to another woman who
owner a brothel in Ahmednagar before she died a few years ago. Recorded during an
interview with a member of Snehalaya in 2013.
Here in Ahmednagar lived a female brothel owner. She started as a sex worker and
later on became a brutal brothel owner. She was a powerful woman, who controlled everyone,
including policemen. [...] She was one of the most dangerous and terrifying people in the city.
6
Definition: Shepherd caste: The castes of shepherds were one of the pariah castes and less
respected/remarked castes. It includes also more than one caste. There were 22 endogamous
Shepherd castes in Maharashtra. Originally they worked as shepherds.{Vgl. Malhotra (1979),
S.19.} Independent by using arguments from the last century or from this one.{Vgl.:
http://www.nytimes.com}
7
Definition: Backward class (caste): is the general term for the lowest, poorest and/or pariah
described castes. After comparing papers and verbal conversation notes; it appears that class is
used in a political-sciences speech. In normal live caste is more common. {Vgl. Gupta (2005),
S.413.}
8
It has to be noticed that this fact could be important. During some interviews I got this
information: It is a common method for people in these businesses (human trafficker, brothel
owner, etc) use injections full of HIV+ blood as weapon to intimidate enemies. At the point of
view of Indian people she was always armed. Indian people are very afraid of this illness. If it is
public that someone is HIV+ one risks losing their job and the social contact to other people
resulting in social isolation. If someone dies on the street nobody is touching the dead body
because of the fear to get infected. That’s why people who are HIV+ usually do not get a proper
burial.
9
The Western World became acutely aware of the plight of Indian women thanks to the media
coverage of the gang rape in Delhi in December 2012.
[...] If a young girl didn’t do what she wanted, she would put the girl into a type of solitary
confinement, in a room without windows or light. The only visitors were patrons of the brothel
who used her as they pleased. They raped her, burned her with cigarettes and slashed her skin
using the room-key. [...]10
Ramesh was a 41-year-old rickshaw operator from Ahmednagar. Like Shila, he was
also married. According to the police report, he has two children, a daughter and a son
who is mentally handicapped. He was the soul breadwinner in the family. He used a
false name which suggested that he came from the Maratha caste.11 This is one of the
biggest and most respected castes in Maharashtra. Driving a rickshaw would normally
be seen as below work suited for this caste. He broke common convention by using a
false name to gain acceptance and membership in a higher and more respect caste.
Vilas was a 32-years-old businessman (human trafficker) from Ahmednagar. In addition
to his wife, son and for a time his daughter who had died, he was supporting his brother,
who is mentally handicapped, his mother. His mother had lost everything the family
owned in a law suit concerning her son, Vilas' brother. Additionally, she was also forced
to take up work as a house cleaner (or servant). Like in the case of Ramesh, he was
using a fake identity but, strangely, the name did not change his caste. Both his real
name and his assumed name signified his membership in an Indian warrior caste
Maratha.
Vilas was in charge of transporting the victims to pick-up and drop-off locations where
clients and buyers would be waiting or directly to the client's residence. He met all
client and buyers in person. In contrast to Shila and Ramesh, Vilas and Ram met all
their clients in person and had seen firsthand the physical and sexual abuse of their
victims that is commonly associated with the human trafficking trade. After the Shila's
arrest, Vilas and Ramesh continued trafficking from her home.
10
While travelling around India, I saw that women can gain social status, if they can justify
their existence. This fact has its roots in the Indian culture. E.g. if a woman only gives birth to
girls, her husband can leave her or even attest to kill her along with her daughter(s). On the
other hand, if a woman bears boys, she is empowered socially and becomes more respected
within the family as well as in the community. Neither education nor the family's wealth plays a
role in this regard. {Vgl.: http://www.snehankur.de}
11
Definition: Maratha: This cast is one or the most powerful and largest cast in Maharashtra.
During the British colonial times, they got better education and more political power. They are
the dominate cast in Maharashtra. {Vgl. Deshpande (2004), S. 3.}
Ram, was a 38-year-old who originally came from the district Jalana. His full name
would indicate that he was of the former Mahar caste. Like the Shepherd caste, his caste
belonged to the lowest of the castes in India.12 Ram was responsible for abducting the
victims and helping Vilas to transport them.
2.2 The social status of victims and clients
The court enquiry identified 19 clients and 2 victims. It has to be mentioned that more
people (victims, clients etc.) were involved but they won’t be the focus of this paper.
The two female victims came from Ahmednagar and were under the legal age of
consent. The first victim V17 was 17-years-old. At the time of her abduction, she was a
student at a secondary school in Ahmednagar. The second (V14) was a 14-year-old girl
who was a student at a primary school in Ahmednagar at the time of her abduction.
V14's mother had died and she was living with her older sister and father, a rickshaw
driver. Because V14 was under the age of 16 at the time of her abduction, her case was
especially important to the court.
Based on the information attained during the trial and from Snehalaya members, there
was nothing in a clients' outward appearance to signify any wrong doing. This is an
objective observation and pertains to all clients relevant to this paper.
The clients knew that they were buying a person in order to engage in rape13 Most of the
clients were married and had children. On average, a client had a monthly income
between 80,000 and 100,000 IRS, which is considered upper-middle class in India.14
Typically, they had servants and in many cases security guards as well.
12
Definition: Mahar: Is a normal caste in Maharashtra. Original, they cleaned the streets and
the graveyards. During the British colonial times, the Indian people got a Christian education.
Since this time, they are more respected.{Vgl. Patterson (1954), S.1066.} It seems that the
difference is not so big. These days they are one of the ‘less respected’ castes in Maharashtra
and it is not believed that a Mahar will really successful in a company. {Vgl. Deshpande
(2004), S. 23.} They are known by the general title/topic backward class as well.
13
These statements are based on observations, interviews, generally accepted practices in
“classical” Indian society and information given by Snehalaya members.
- Definition: Classical: Apply, regardless of the assertion of several Indians, that the
country has evolved culturally related habits such as that of arranged marriage, the
preference or discrimination of people when they come from certain caste. So orphans
have at best little hope of marrying or finding socially acceptable work in the labour
market, because of their unsuitable family background.
14
In 2006 the average exchange was: 56, 8435 IRS = 1,- € {Vgl.: www.bundesbank.de/}
The research for this case study was conducted in the state Maharashtra, India. The traffickers
themselves were based in Maharashtra in the district of Ahmednagar, India. They were known
to be active in three districts of Maharashtra all together spanning a radius of approximately
300km (Ahmednagar to Nadurbar) and 230 km (Ahmednagar to Dhule): the districts
Ahmednagar, Nadurbar and Duhle.15 For the purposes of this case study, all involved persons
will be put into one of three categories: accused (traffickers and clients), victim, Snehalaya,
judiciary (court and police), family or friend, other (includes witnesses). Furthermore, we will
be focusing our attention on the traffickers. The focus will be on four of the twenty-three people
identified (the accused) in the case. On the 23rd of February in 2006 a man and his friend
entered a Child-Line office of Snehalaya. He declares that his daughter V14 has been missing
since the 20th February, 2006. She was last seen with a man and woman, Shila and Ram. After
being questioned by Snehalaya members the couple said that they were arranging a marriage for
V14. This missing persons report filed in the Child-line office eventually led to the rescue of
two previous victims.16 All victims and traffickers were first brought into the Child-Line office
and later handed over to the police. At the police station the victims claimed that they were
forced to have sexual intercourse with several individuals. The following is a
summarization of their statements.
Shila, Vilas, Ramesh and Ram were responsible for the crimes. During the initial
investigations, V14 declared that Ram offered her a lot of money to have sexual
intercourse with several persons. V14 refused. The next day Ram came to her home,
abducted her and took her to Shila's home where Shila and Ramesh were waiting. Ram
and Vilas then took V14 to a buyer. They took several pictures using a mobile phone
while V14 was being raped. These photos were then used to threaten blackmail. They
claimed that the photos would be published in the newspapers. While being interviewed
by the police, V14 was able to name seven important locations used by the traffickers,
Shila's house, six hotels (1-4), a bungalow in Dhule and another location in
Ahmednagar.
V14 explained how Shila always issued the orders. Although Shila had only been
present at two of the eight locations, she coordinating the flow of victims through the
network of traffickers and clients. Before her arrest, she had transformed her home into
15
During the investigation locations were mentioned further, but these are the most important
addition to Ahmednagar. Later it will show the importance of this note. {Vgl.:
http://www.distancesbetween.com/}
16
Because of the importance of the moment this other case hast to be recognized and not deeper
describe and analyse.
a brothel was witness to vicious acts of discipline and rape of multiple victims. She is
known to have received multiple clients in her home. Client no. 5, a 40-year-old civil
engineer for a governmental agency in Ahmednagar, raped a victim for several days
while sex traffickers looked on. The rest of Shila's known clients engaged in gang rape.
Client no. 6 was 36-years-old and owned a footwear company in Ahmednagar. The
court saw Ramesh as a client, too, even though he never engaged in the sexual abuse of
the victims, he abetted in these acts, making him liable as client and trafficker.17
No. 12 was 37-year-old businessman from Ahmednagar. No. 13 was a 30-year-old
leader of a political party in Ahmednagar. He originally contacted Shila looking to take
part in a gang and single rapes. He was sometimes accommodated at Shila's home and
at other times was met by Vilas or Ram at hotel no. 1 where victims were also kept.
Hotel no. 1 was also where client no. 15 raped the victim. He was a 32-year-old partner
in a large company in Ahmednagar.
At location x, client no. 3 raped the victim while Shila, Ram and Vilas kept watch. He
was a 26-year-old man from Ahmednagar and owned a fast food centre. She was later to
be identified as one of the traffickers with whom the clients had direct contact.
Meetings at hotel no. 2 were organized by Shila and Vilas like at other locations. Ram
was responsible for transporting the victim to the hotel for the clients. The victim was
raped by the clients no. 2, 4, and 18, no. 18 being a 35-year-old police officer,
suspended at the time, officer from Ahmednagar. He was also a close associate of a
local party member of the M.L.A. (Maharashtra Legislative Assembly). No. 2 was a 25-
yearold hotel owner from Ahmednagar and no. 4 was 23-year-old bank employee in
Ahmednagar.
Shila was responsible for the logistics concerning meetings between clients and either
Vials or Ram, just as in the cases of hotels no. 1 and 2, at hotel no. 3. Hotel 3 was able
to be used as a full-time brothel, because the owner was also a client. It was also used as
a location for so-called “family” gang rapes, where fathers and sons could together
engage in gang rape. Client no. 11 was the owner of hotel no. 3, a 53-year-old man from
Ahmednagar. His two sons were clients no. 16 and 17 and both part owners of the hotel.
Other clients were no. 15 and his brother no. 14. Both were 32 years old brothers and
partner of the same company in the District Ahmednagar. They were also sons of a
senior party leader in Ahmednagar. Additional clients known to have frequented hotel
no. 3 are client no. 19 a 22-year-old shop owner in Ahmednagar, client no. 21 a 38-
Ahmednagar.
Hotel no. 4 was also used Shila. She arranged a meeting for three people to gang rape
one victim. The first two were friends and colleges, clients no. 8 the 38-year-old
manager of the hotel and client no. 9 the 40-year-old owner of the hotel, both of whom
were living and working in Dhule. The identity of the third is unknown.
Client no. 22 was 34-years-old and a former district council chairman. He was also
living and working in Dhule.18
Vilas and Ram brought the victim to him in a bungalow
in Dhule.
But how were these meetings (intersections of social circles) possible? This question
will be answer by using the theory of Georg Simmel.
3. The theory of the intersections of social circles and cultural customs
Georg Simmel - one of the founders and teacher of sociologist of the modern
sociology19 - saw and described sociology as interplay.20 He states that social life is not
something static but dynamic. For him sociology is an all-encompassing Science.
“It exists in the ethic and cultural history, national economy and in the study of
religions, aesthetic and demography, in politics and ethnography [...].”
21 Additionally
he described it as an over socialised base as well.22
Simmel (1890) established in his article “Über sociale Differenzierung sociale und
psychologische Untersuchungen” specific characteristics and criteria, defining an
individual according to the intersections of the individual's social circles with the social
circles of others.23 According to Simmel an individual can be understood as the
combined sum of, firstly, one's own social circles and, secondly, the intersection of
18
District council ((Ger.) Bezirksrat): “The Regional Council for an autonomous region in
respect of all areas within such region and the District Council for an autonomous district in
respect of all areas within the district except those which are under the authority of Regional
Councils, if any, within the district shall have power to make laws with respect to” [...]{Vgl.:
www.constitution.org}
19 Vgl. Kruse (2012), S. 136.
20 Vgl. Ibid.S. 130-131. and Vgl. Simmel (1908), S. 14.
21Vgl. Simmel (1908), S. 14. [(Ger.:) Sie erschien als das allumfassende Gebiet, in dem sich
Ethik wie Kulturgeschichte, Nationalökonomie wie Religionswissenschaft, Ästhetik wie
Demographie, Politik wie Ethnographie zusammenfanden,…]
22 Oversocialised and undersocialised: See Fn.: 34
23 Vgl. Simmel (1890), S. 100-116.
one's own social circles with the social circles of others. The theory is based on the idea
of describing and identifying a person by his own social circles and by the intersection
of his own social circles with circles to other individuals. For our intents we will be
focusing mainly on four key points of his theory.24 The first two can characterised
(here) as ‘necessary conditions’. Both delineate the types of the circles. The first key
point is the aspect that someone is not able to choose some social circle like the family,
biological gender, etc. The second key point describes freely chosen social circles. The
third and fourth points are described as ‘sufficient conditions’. The third and fourth
types of social circles can characterised (here) as ‘sufficient conditions.’ These identify
how an individual can be included or excluded from a particular social circle. Simmel
considers this to be an inherent part of culture. The first point under sufficient
conditions identifies the characteristics of over socialization.
The third type of social circle is defined by the over socialised ways (conditions). This
implies that there is a force which includes an individual in social circles independent of
his own will. The fourth type describes the ways for a person to enter freely chosen
social circles. In addition to this, one must understand his membership in the respective
(current) social circle. How this works will be described in detail later in this chapter.
3.1 Simmel’s understanding of free chosen – and given social
As Simmel describes there are given and freely chosen social circles (key point 1 and
2). Inclusion in one type of social circle can lead to exclusion from another social circle.
A subdivide shows that there are two types: a naturally inherited social circle (naturally
given) and another which is driven by the sub-conscious (sub-consciously guided). This
24
- Definition: social circle: “A circle has neither clear boundaries nor a formal leadership.
Rather, it is a denser region of a network. The nodes could be of any kind, but in Simmel's
original idea they were people. The nodes are not necessarily directly linked. More often than
not they are connected through third or even fourth parties. Circles typically illustrate the
"small world" principle: one goes to a gathering in which one apparently knows not a soul.”
{Vgl. Kadushin (2004), S. 47.}
- Definition: intersection: As it is named in the beginning of this chapter Simmels concept of
sociology based on the concept that everybody get in interacting with everybody. “That mean:
Individuals come together (or, metaphorically, “intersect” one another) within groups,…”
{Vgl. Breiger (1974), S, Vgl. Wellman and Berkowitz (1988), S. 83.} Intersection implies
several ways and/reasons for one person to interact with other people. “At the same time, the
pattering of an individual’s affiliations (or the “intersection” of groups within the person)
defines his or her point of references and (at least partly) determines his or her individuality.”
{Vgl. Breiger (1974), S, Vgl. Wellman and Berkowitz (1988), S. 83.}
is best explained with an example: A naturally given social circle means that it is
impossible to be simultaneously included in both the social circle British Royalty and
the social circle Delhi rickshaw driver.25 If one person who is born as a member of
British royal family automatically becomes a member of the naturally given social
circle of British Royalty and learns all associated cultural and social customs of this
background, like proper manners in the presence of and in interactions with important
people. This starts at the earliest stages of one's life; he or she will follow the examples
of his elders and learn to interact with them and other important people. In this case
actively learning is unnecessary. The person will sub-consciously interact (e.g.
salutation, conversation, posture, etc.) with these people.
When we apply this theory in our case study we must additionally consider certain
cultural aspects of the Indian caste system. Higher castes often consider themselves as
being above certain types of labour which are reserved for the Other Backward Classes
(OBCs).26 These employment opportunities often involve demanding physical labour
and, ever increasingly, exposure to health risks. Depending on the work with which a
particular OBC is associated, its members can face exclusion from society based on an
assumption of uncleanliness. One case of this is the OBC for gravediggers.
Children learn such attitudes and behaviours from their parents who have also learned to
accept their own social status in the caste system. The name given at birth determines to
a great degree one's fate, because a name often reveals the caste. The name will always
determine the form of all social interaction, determine if one talks down or up to a
conversation partner, determines if one is of equal status.
These naturally given social circles shape a person's worldview for the longest period of
their lives. It is possible to retrace an individual’s history back to his or her origins by
the analysis and identification of one's sub-conscious guidance which is inherent to a
specific social circle. But one has to note that a person as an individual enters several
social circles and not all of them belong to the sub-conscious guided circles.27
25 The same counts for education, job, home, religion etc. If you enter into a business e.g.
rickshaw driver, you are automatically a member of the social circles of all people who
transport something. It is independent of your will. Then it will be categorised into the transport
of people and then you count as someone who transports people for short distances etc. For
Simmel this is a part of division of labour as well.
26
Vgl. http://www.anagrasarkalyan.gov.in
27 An example could be that someone is born a child of a rickshaw driver but the biological
father is a member of the British royal family.
In addition Simmel uses the number of given and freely chosen circles and the total
number of social circles in a society as a yardstick of cultural development.28 A large
number of intersections can be interpreted as a sign of a refined person (independent if a
person is royal – or homeless person) but it says nothing about the status of the
individual in a social circle's hierarchy.29 One's place in the hierarchy must also be
considered. There are people at the ‘top of a social circle's hierarchy’ who one can call
the leaders of the social circle. Other members can be followers or even find a place in
the circle's hierarchy between leader and follower, for instance as a follower who is a
close friend of a leader. To compare a leader with a follower of a social circle by only
considering the intersections of their social circles is like comparing two diamonds by
only considering the number of their facets (e.g. number of intersections); just because
two diamonds have the same number of facets does not mean that they are of the same
‘personal’ value.
Conflict is also an important aspect of the intersection of social circles.30 Simmel asserts
that conflict is a valid reason for an individual to choose to withdraw from a social
circle or to intersect from a social circle. While withdrawing from a social circle or
28
- Definition: Culture: Simmel sees culture as more than a kind of expansion of nature.
Simmel describes nature as something given and raw. Nature is not perfect in the eye of
humanity. Culture is the way or result to make something perfect. You could imagine a crystal
which was hidden inside a stone. For Simmel this is nature. A grinder polishes this crystal to cut
a diamond out of the stone. In the sense of Simmel this is culture and the way to create culture
(become refined). In the social sense, it is a way of interaction (in social circles and between
them as well).’Culture’ can be also describe with ‘words’ like a subtle approach or an adopted
high degree of fineness. {Vgl. Frisby and Simmel (2000), S. 167-170}
- Definition: Culture in (and) social circles means that a person learns to move between the
different social circles in a (relative) perfect position. This allows him to enter new social
circles. By entering into a (few) new social circle(s), an intersection of social circles occurs. If
one scrutinises these intersection the individual personality is relevealed. Vgl. Simmel (1890),
S. 102-104.
29
Refine depends on the point of view. Everybody can be a refine person, if one has a lot of
intersections (here: a lot of facets of a diamond) of social circles.
30
- Definition: Conflict and/in social circles:”...to what extent the sociological character of a
circle differs according to the size and the types of competition that are allowable. This is
obviously a part of a problem of correlation, in which every previous identification makes a
contribution: it is a relationship between the structure of every social circle and the level of the
hostility.” [Ger.:“…wie sehr der soziologische Charakter der Kreise sich nach dem Maße und
den Arten der Konkurrenz, die sich zulassen, unterscheidet. Dies ist ersichtlich ein Ausschnitt
des Korrelationsproblems, zu dem jeder Teil der bisherigen Ausmachung ein Beitrag liefert: es
besteht eine Beziehung zwischen der Struktur jedes sozialen Kreises und dem Maß an
Feindseligkeit.“] {Vgl. Simmel (1908), S. 330}
joining one an individual will weigh his or her options to find the most advantageous
solution, because the inclusion in one type of social circle ultimately means the
exclusion from another. This automatic exclusion from one social circle upon the
acceptance into another is only natural. It is human nature to associate a particular thing
with others things, for example, a political party can be associated with specific
individuals, or with a community, with the party's colours or with a particular religion.
Communism is often associated with individuals like Marx, Engels, Stalin, Lenin, Mao,
and with the colour red. These specifications (characteristics) and their associated
differences (e.g. between religious or political opinions) can be observed by numerous
historical examples of conflict. Sunni and Shiea are both Moslem but there is a conflict
between them due to ideological differences and the existence of other religions.
Simmel says the more distinctive the culture of a person or group is, the greater the
potentiality of conflicts. Another source of conflict is solidarity. An example for conflict
and solidarity is the questioning by the police. Let us say a human trafficker is brought
before the court to testify against other human traffickers. If he testifies against them, he
is being disloyal. If he not testifies against them, he is being loyal. Therefore, solidarity
is also a sign of membership in a social circle. As mentioned in the beginning of this
section Simmel describes division of labour as not only a common characteristic of all
types of social circles, but also as a reason for their separation.31
3.2 Possibilities to enter social circles
In the description of the types of social circles we said that the naturally given social
circles guide a person's socialization. According to Simmel, a person enters into a social
circle by using this sub-conscious guidance. An individual enters his or her first social
circle at birth.32 As mentioned in the previous section, a person gains membership to
certain social circles automatically. And membership in social circle can also be
automatic if a person can fulfils a certain needed function. It is important that an
31
- Definition: Division of labour: Simmel sees a division of labour in a religion, as well as in
a familial, a social or a working background. The essence is that a person in a social circle has
to know what his job in the respective circle is. In awareness of knowing the task/function for
the social circle he creates a new detailed (couth) social circle. Vgl. Simmel (1890), S.109-112.
32 According to Simmel the intersections of new circles begins with the awakening of the
persons mind. But this philosophical ‘assumption of a question’ will be no part of this research
individual know his or her function. Simmel explains this in his description of the
division of labour.
Conflict creates an opportunity to freely choose to withdraw from a social circle where
this would otherwise be impossible. A new freedom exercised in the act choosing.
However this choice is only relatively free because of certain factors like family
background, education or solidarity.
Finally it has to point out that the combination of one who got a task and knows what he
has to do, get a free choice. Simmel calls this motivation. This Motivation creates the
possibility of bring an individual to a point where he or she can do unexpected things.
The following analogy exemplifies this: A man becomes angry, because others doubt
his potential for success. As a result of this he becomes increasingly motivated in order
to show that he is capable of success. Thus his motivation can propel him into new
circles.
3.3 ‘Iron’ aspects of Indian culture
Indian society is based on several cultural aspects that are important for society. To
successfully apply Simmel's theory we must also consider the 'iron' aspects of the Indian
culture.33 The iron aspects discussed here also pertain to the involved persons in the
aforementioned case in chapter 1. The following account is based on interviews with
members as well as non-members (e.g. members of other projects of Snehalaya) of the
Snehadhar (a project of Snehalaya), Snehalaya documents and personal observations in
the field. Finding academic sources regarding this subject matter is difficult in India due
to the reluctance of government agencies to document aspects of Indian society that
could be seen as negative. This is especially true in cases where government officials
could be held accountable the shortcomings of their work. Furthermore there is a
general lack of governmental funding for sociological studies and surveys. 34 The
academic research that has been funded lacks objectivity.
33 These aspects are only a few of many but they are enough to understand this one facet and
demonstrate the complexity of this one case. They are mentioned only as fact or assumption to
give an idea of the social situation and the intersection of social circles that are possible and/or
comparable in the locations where I did my field work. To get a clearer picture and to make a
comparison with German society, these aspects will be discussed critically.
34Vgl. Sutar (2013), S. 7-10.
The original (traditional) social understanding in India is based on an iron over
socialised ‘model’.35 Therefore we will be using “The Problem of Embeddedness” in
which Mark Gronovetter critiques the theory of the oversocialised ‘model’ and the
undersocialised ‘model’.36 In 2014 Indian culture seems to have become less iron than it
previously had been in the last century, although these changes have little, if any, effect
on the outcomes of our case study. Despite these changes on the surface, seemingly
large or small, there are cultural roots, reaching deep into the Indian collective
unconsciousness, that stubbornly cling to the traditional Weltanschauung. Examples of
this include respect for elders and their experiences.37
35 The social influence of the society is so strong that someone has power over somebody if he
comes from a higher caste. By observing people (from different casts) engaging in everyday
communication – if one's caste is unknown or of lower status – it can look as if a person (from a
higher caste) automatically has power over someone else if the former is deemed successful in
the eyes of society. A ‘synonym’ (example) for this case is Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. He was
born as a Mahar and after the independence of India he became the first Minister of law in
India. A man became the first Minister of Law in India and he became famous as well because
he won the fight against this social situation.
36
- Definition: Oversocialised: “...- a conception of people as overwhelmingly sensitive to the
opinions of others and hence obedient to the dictates of consensually developed systems of
norms and values, internalized through socialization, so that obedience is not perceived as a
burden.”{ Vgl. Granovetter (1985), S. 483.}
- In combination: Oversocialised and culture (intersections of social circles): In addition
to the above definition, one has only the ability to arrange his own situation with the whole
situation and/or the opinion of the society. At the moment one has no opportunity for an
intersection with new social circles or free chosen social circles.
- Definition: Undersocialised: “Classical and neoclassical economics operates, in contrast,
with an atomized, undersocialized conception of human action, continuing in the utilitarian
tradition. The theoretical arguments disallow by hypothesis any impact of social structure and
social relations on production, distribution, or consumption. In competitive markets, no
producer or consumer noticeably influences aggregate supply or demand or, therefore, prices
or other terms of trade.” {Vgl. Granovetter (1985), S. 483-484}
- In combination: Undersocialised and culture (intersections of social circles): In
addition to the above definition; one has to imagine that one person has enough power to
control one or more social circles or that one has so much power that all other social circles
wish to enter his social circle. Good examples of this can be seen in political speeches: i.e.
Ernst Reuter on the 9th September 1948. This one speech forced the Allied Forces to fight for the
survival of West-Berlin. It can also be described as a kind of reversal of the reason behind the
above mentioned ‘rules’ for intersect social circles.
37 The average Indian knows nothing of such insight and wisdom of people like Kurt Tucholsky
(9th January 1890 – 21th December 1935):” Experience means nothing because you can do a
thing badly for 35 years.” [(Ger.): „Erfahrung heißt gar nichts. Man kann seine Sache auch 35
Jahre schlecht machen.“] To evaluate differing levels of respect I observed the children at
Snehalaya workers have also commented on the societal aversion in Indian society to
open criticism of traditional structures and practices: "An occurrence and problem is
that Indians talk a lot but they generally do not talk about social and society
problems."38
Depending on these ‘descriptions’, the German government (Bundestag) debates and
passes legislation in a vastly different way than in the Indian legislative process. Despite
the large amounts of time spent engaging in conversation, Indians generally avoid
critical discussions of social problems. One difference between Germans and Indians is
that Germans openly talk about problems, even when they are small, but ‘nothing’
happens and Indians avoid talking about social problems all together, which allows no
change to happen. It is not part of Indian social life to talk about social problems.
However, in contrast to the Germans, Indians can find a solution to a problem when it is
necessary.
39 Indians face a different reality than Germans. Indians who work on social
problems are risking their lives, the lives of those who have supported them and even
the lives of those who are suspected of having supported them. The danger is even
greater for work concerning human trafficking.40
It is true that India has launched an aggressive program to educate the traditionally
underprivileged and that some of the educated youths have been able to escape the
‘classical’ society but one has to consider that people from OBCs had already been
using fake identities to do the same thing, because having a surname associated with
one of the OBCs will otherwise mean having a disadvantaged life.
Snehalaya with their teacher on a normal day and on Teachers’ Day and I observed at a College
in Ahmednagar as well. The level of respect given by children and youths to their teachers is
comparable to that given by soldiers to a superior.
38At a youth camp I ‘asked’ (longer talk) 15 youths (from Mumbai, Pune, Ahmednagar and the
periphery) what they thought about the work being done at Snehalaya against human trafficking
and what they thought about Indian society not talking about social problems. They all agreed
that Snehalaya is a safe place to talk about social problems like human trafficking and also that
it is very important that one can talk about it openly. It is a big problem that you cannot talk
about it in the public. One young man from Mumbai said:”You have chosen the Mecca for this
topic.” On another occasion in an interview with 10 other youths, I was told that they came to
the youth shelter to talk about these problems. I also spoke with visitors, donors and other
affiliates visiting the compound, some alone and some with their families, 20 people in total.
From them, I got similar answers to this question. These people were also from places like
Mumbai, Pune, Ahmednagar, Goa, etc.
39 This is an extremely critical comparison, showing a dimension of handling problems in the
sense that the German painter Heinrich Zille (10th January 1858 – 9th August 1929) meant when
he portrayed these types of general social problems in his pictures as well.
40 This is included in the (HIV) description of Shila. {Fn.: 9}
Snehalaya workers have also commented on the societal aversion in Indian society to
open criticism of traditional structures and practices: "An occurrence and problem is
that Indians talk a lot but they generally do not talk about social and society
problems."38
Depending on these ‘descriptions’, the German government (Bundestag) debates and
passes legislation in a vastly different way than in the Indian legislative process. Despite
the large amounts of time spent engaging in conversation, Indians generally avoid
critical discussions of social problems. One difference between Germans and Indians is
that Germans openly talk about problems, even when they are small, but ‘nothing’
happens and Indians avoid talking about social problems all together, which allows no
change to happen. It is not part of Indian social life to talk about social problems.
However, in contrast to the Germans, Indians can find a solution to a problem when it is
necessary.
39 Indians face a different reality than Germans. Indians who work on social
problems are risking their lives, the lives of those who have supported them and even
the lives of those who are suspected of having supported them. The danger is even
greater for work concerning human trafficking.40
It is true that India has launched an aggressive program to educate the traditionally
underprivileged and that some of the educated youths have been able to escape the
‘classical’ society but one has to consider that people from OBCs had already been
using fake identities to do the same thing, because having a surname associated with
one of the OBCs will otherwise mean having a disadvantaged life.
Snehalaya with their teacher on a normal day and on Teachers’ Day and I observed at a College
in Ahmednagar as well. The level of respect given by children and youths to their teachers is
comparable to that given by soldiers to a superior.
38At a youth camp I ‘asked’ (longer talk) 15 youths (from Mumbai, Pune, Ahmednagar and the
periphery) what they thought about the work being done at Snehalaya against human trafficking
and what they thought about Indian society not talking about social problems. They all agreed
that Snehalaya is a safe place to talk about social problems like human trafficking and also that
it is very important that one can talk about it openly. It is a big problem that you cannot talk
about it in the public. One young man from Mumbai said:”You have chosen the Mecca for this
topic.” On another occasion in an interview with 10 other youths, I was told that they came to
the youth shelter to talk about these problems. I also spoke with visitors, donors and other
affiliates visiting the compound, some alone and some with their families, 20 people in total.
From them, I got similar answers to this question. These people were also from places like
Mumbai, Pune, Ahmednagar, Goa, etc.
39 This is an extremely critical comparison, showing a dimension of handling problems in the
sense that the German painter Heinrich Zille (10th January 1858 – 9th August 1929) meant when
he portrayed these types of general social problems in his pictures as well.
40 This is included in the (HIV) description of Shila. {Fn.: 9}
For the clients (of human trafficking) one should know that wealthy men usually have
female maids (sex maids, slaves, etc) with whom they also have sexual relations. The
wealthy and especially politicians have their own private security to escort them
through their daily routines. There is a large risk of violent outbreaks in India due to
extremism and terrorism.
At the beginning my research I was invited to visit an office of one Snehalaya project
for the support for former as well as active sex-workers, in Ahmednagar.46 The office
provides some medical services as well as a re-integration program which offers
workshops and classes to teach new skills needed to find work outside of the sex trade.
In the office, I conducted a group interview with 21 sexworkers and two social workers
from Snehalaya. They told me about some of the problems that they are facing:47
(1) The people in red-light districts live very isolated from the rest of the society. This
is comparable to life in quarantine. According to social workers from Snehalaya one can
draw parallels between the red-light districts and other impoverished communities in
India; both are excluded from mainstream Indian society. According to four interview
partners, they affirm: People who in a slum are the least respected people. They are
respected and accepted but they live at the lowest level in the society. Even less
respected than the people of the slums are the gypsy.48 They are not respected and
only sometimes they are accepted. The people of the red-light area are not respected
and not accepted. The Indian society notice them only if it necessary. If one asks an
Indian if a sexworker slave or prostitute is a human one can assume that a lot of Indians
will evade the answer. Many Indians prefer not to think and to talk about the existence
of the sex industry, sex slavery and prostitution in India; some may deny that it even
order to make enough money to support a family. If their income cannot sustain a family, they
may not be able to find a partner or be forced to accept a partner of a lesser status.
45
Data about dowry are taken from documents and field interviews at Snehadhar.
46 Many of the sexworkers are already forced into retirement at around the age of 30, because
the brothel considers them too old.
47 These statements and opinions seem to represent the norm. While doing field research at
Snehalaya I was also able to conduct an interview at another brothel area and the slum-project
Bal Bavahan where I interviewed a member of Bal Bavahan as well. The result was nearly the
same.
48 In Germany the common name is Sinti and Roma. In India they are also known as rambling
people.
exists at all and some may even claim that the sexworkers themselves are less than
human.
(2) Finally one has to mention that it is difficult to gauge the age of Indian girls and
women until the age of 21 due to their physical appearance. Often they look as if they
were a 16-years-old girl. To a Westerner it appears that Indian men paying for sex and
the human trafficker are pederasts. After the age of 30 the average Indian woman
begins to age rapidly. On the one hand, they are ‘safe’ from being abducted by human
traffickers but on the other hand, they will not be able to find a husband.
3.4 Indian castes and the intersection of social circles
As it was mentioned at the beginning of this paper (Fn.: 8), the castes system, which is
now officially banned, will be a part of the focus of this research. In this section the
three different castes of the four human traffickers will be examined. We must consider
as well the mentioned characteristics (chapter 3.1) that Simmel uses to classify the
intersecting of social circles.
Vilas and Ramesh are from the Maratha caste and Shila is from the Shepherd caste and
Ram is from the Mahar caste. By applying Simmel's theory we will clarify what it
means if someone is born into a caste. We will first elucidate the characteristics of the
Mahar caste, followed by the Shepherd caste and finally the Maratha caste.
Applying Simmel's theory we see that the caste system is a naturally given social circle
for a single and new born person.49 We can assume that for a baby most of the social
circles and their intersections will be naturally given social circles which work like a
virtual time loop. This means that a child lives in all circles that the parents did. The
only way to break out of the time loop is through conflict. Simmel asserts that either the
parents or the child can create another culture, which leads either to a rejection of their
current social status or to motivate him to intersect new and unexpected social circles.
A new intersection could be made by going to school (social circle of schoolchildren)
and doing well as a student50 and later publicly denying one's family background at the
49 The following points include only some of many possible arguments. These have to
include/allow the analyses of the case of human trafficking as well. Furthermore it presumes a
positive effect resulting from the intersection of social circles.
50 In India it is a common method to show the achievement of success by the amount of awards
one has won: the more awards the better
right moment. Women commonly go to other cities to find a man from a higher cast to
marry.51
Seeing that Mahar and Shepherd both come from the OBCs it can be expected that the
stated assumptions (chapter 2.1) are also valid for the Shepherd caste. Indeed Shepherds
had long been working in other occupations but in modern-day India mobility negates
this factor. In cities castes of all types are mixed together.
Members of the Maratha caste must observe other rules. As described in the previous
chapter they are the most popular, the most powerful and largest caste in Maharashtra
(Fn.:12). Their traditional occupations assign them a similar status as was described
earlier in relation to the other two castes. The main differences are the family's former
caste and a social status which is considered superior to the status of the OBCs.
Additionally there is generally neither the same type of social conflict nor motivation
that are often found in the OBCs where both parents and children are motivated to
elevate their social status to higher than their parents and others in their communities.
People with superior status can expect to make more money and people of lower social
status, for instance in the OBCs, know this.
4. An analyses of the intersections of social circles: human trafficking
The number of intersections one's social circle has, has a direct influence on gaining
membership in other social circles. This chapter focuses on the intersections of social
circles of the human traffickers. We will identify how the structure of the culture
allowed each of the four traffickers to operate undetected.52 We will also discuss the
various ways social circles can intersect and the cultural background – like thinking in
castes – which also plays an elementary role.
51 In some cases (e.g. regions) men do this too if the local tradition is to always marry into a
higher caste.
52 All illustrations and facts in this chapter are based on the information provided by Snehalaya
and interviews conducted in the field. Snehalaya granted access to case documentation
(statements made by V14, witnesses, etc.). Non source marked citations marked as no source
are from private records not available to the public.
4.1 Shilas cultures and intersections
Shila is the only female that was active in this group of traffickers. She seems to be a
negative image of the traditional Indian woman that is so often portrayed in media.53
Being a woman married to a man from an OBC, she seems an unlikely candidate for
network-leader (ringleader) of a human trafficking network. Her social circle(s) and
culture were strong. She pretended to be married to a second man. She was able to keep
her double life secret by keeping these two lives separate. Her real husband did not
testify against her even though several months before her arrest, Shila and Ramesh had
threatened him, and forced him to leave his own home. Her real husband was mainly
interested in preventing any intersections of all her social circles. Let us recall that he
was her real husband and yet, never became involved with her illegal activities (chapter
2.1 tells us the exact section too.). This is another argument (e.g. another argument: see
relationship of Ramesh and Shila) for the thesis: Peoples' circles only intersected with
Shila's social circle(s), if it was their free will or if they had no other opportunity.
According to Simmels theory, the intersections of her social circle(s) can be understood
as a series of conflicts: A client requires an illegal sexual commodity (‘a social circle
of’ a demand with no supply). The client finds a trafficker that can provide the
commodity (yet another case of demand with no supply ~ a result of an intersection of
two social circles). The trafficker is required by his trade to possess or have access to
the sexual commodity (i.e. a sex-slave). Someone is abducted and becomes the sexual
commodity (the supply) and thus, a victim enters into the social circle of human
trafficking as the result of a simple economic principle. We also see an example of
Simmel's theory of motivation: Shila's was motivated to improve her personal situation.
She used her understanding of cultural structures to force and/or guide the intersection
of social circles.
Through her understanding of social practices within her culture (Fn.: 27), she exploited
Indian culture which enabled her to assume a powerful position in a hierarchy as the
leader of a male dominated group, in which she, as a woman, was giving orders to men,
and in some cases even to men of higher castes. Ramesh was ethnically a Maratha but
assumed the identity of a member of the Shepherd caste. She was breaking every rule in
53As it was stated in chapter 2, the media's portrayal of Indian culture is mostly based on
stereotypes. It often portrays women as unemancipated and portrays the men as serial rapist.
the book. In a certain social area her culture dominated the Indian inhabitants and
culture.
She was able to ‘use’ undersocialised culture to control the intersection of social circles.
In this case controlling the culture includes that she knew that she could exploit Indian
cultural rules to cause conflicts. For example Shila (and Ram) blackmailed V14 using
pictures they took while she was being raped. They used a cultural taboo (sex out of
wedlock) to force V14 to follow their wishes. They forced V14 into an intersection with
a new social circle by using her sub-consciously guided mind and an aspect of its
oversocialisation: The fear of being publicly disgraced. Additionally, it ultimately
depended on V14 and her understanding of the situation, as a daughter of a rickshaw
driver. She had followed a path of education, which most likely would have led to
improved status and lifestyle in adulthood. But, this was also taken by Shila (and Ram).
During the rapes of V14 by clients (No.: 5, 6, 12 and 13) Shila and the other three
human traffickers often stood guard outside Shila's home to prevent unwanted
intersections of clients' social circles and social circles of passersby. At the moment of
the first rape, Shila linked V14's social circle to the circle of the sex-slave circle. This
dashed any hopes (free will) of V14 being reunited with her family, of her new circles
(as a person who needs help) intersecting with the social circles of her family.
The same situation of prohibition of any intersections of social circles exists in
relationship with client no. 3 at place x. Other physical intersections of social circles
with the other clients are not noted in the documents. During the research it was only
said that, under the division of labour, Shila was responsible for matters of the
trafficking network. Because of this, her social circle intersected with those of the
clients as well. Instead of the other named clients (No.: 3, 5, 6, 12, 13) there must be
another type of conflict (situation) and motivation leading to intersections of the social
circles than just meeting with the other clients.
Finally, as a result of observed intersection of Shila's social circles and her deliberate
manipulation of social circle intersection, Shila defied the rules of convention that often
dictate the social circles of an Indian woman. Her social circles seem to be more aligned
with those of the female brothel owner (chapter 2.1) which would count her as a
member of the social circle of females who - undetected - run illegal businesses using
the intersections of social circles of human trafficking networks and other networks
used by the illegal sex industry.
4.2 Ramesh cultures and intersections
Depending on the dates in question, Ramesh usually played a much lesser role than
three human traffickers. Although he was posing as Shila's husband and reportedly has a
sexual relationship to her and he mostly followed her orders like the others. He helped
in the background or he stood guard at Shila's house preventing unwanted intersections
of social circles from the outside, while clients inside were raping victims. The others
used his car to transport V14 as well. According to statements from V14, it seems that
Ramesh was at the bottom of the hierarchy within the social circle of trafficking. This is
based on the fact that Shila, Ram and Vilas got the ‘amount’ of V14. Ramesh was never
named by V14 (chapter 4.5). Within their social circle, the division of labour dictated
that he stand guard at the house to intervene, if the (gang) rapes became too loud. For
instance, he would use various threats with V14 to stop her from screening too loud
while clients with her. He also dealt with drivers who were hired to move traffickers
and V14 on various occasions. According to the testimony of Shila's real husband,
Ramesh and Shila threatened to ‘kill’ him.
Using the theory of the intersections of social circles we can describe Ramesh as the
following: His intersections are based on internal social circles and external social
circles whose members were aware of his involvement and work as a human trafficker.
Finally, it can be said, that it was his free will to intersect in the social circle of human
traffickers. Noting Shila's ability to coordinate the movements and actions of the people
in the network, it is likely that Ramesh chose to join her social circle, meaning that his
sub-consciously guided mind sought the intersection of the traffickers' social circle.
This means that it was only a logical reaction.
4.3 Vilas cultures and intersections
Vilas duties under the division of labour amongst the traffickers included transporting
and guarding victims like V14. Based on the nature of his assigned duties, we can
assume that he and Ram often intersected with the social circles of victim transportation
and social circles of clients (i.e. face-to-face interactions with the clients). He was the
designated contact person for local clients probably because he was the only Maratha
(caste) among the traffickers and therefore, knew local customs best. According to
witness testimony, he was in charge of making travel arrangements. He did this by
hiring a car and driver from outside the traffickers' social circle. He would do this
During the trial, many of these drivers showed little willingness to cooperate with the
police. One can assume they were angry to be losing good paying customers and
therefore, were showing a slightly ‘loyalty’ to Vilas. Or, they were perhaps frightened
(chapter 3.1: motivation) that they could be seen as guilty by association, fearful of the
possibility of an intersection of social circles with human traffickers.54
Applying the theory of social circles, we see that Vilas extend his own social circle by
using money to bring people into conflict. He gave them a chance to make money.
Another intersection of social circles between human traffickers (Vilas), the fact of the
transport of V14 and clients is given by the report. A few clients like no. 13 and 22
made their cars available to the traffickers. They were used to transport victims,
including V14. Vilas also rented cars from private owners for a few days at a time.
Under the division of labour within the traffickers circle, Vilas intersected three types of
social circles which include only the type of social circle of transport. As reported by
witnesses, there were other types of intersections of social circles. They were mainly
concerning work outside of Shila's house. These aimed to extend already existing
intersections of supporting social circles and client social circles. For example, he
worked to change the type of intersection from ‘friend’ to ‘supporting friend’. He would
offer the chance to make large sums of money. This would give rise to a conflict: one
must then make a conscious decision to intersect a new social circle. According to the
reports of a witness (one of these ‘friends’), they expected that such an extension would
result in the intersection of social circles between the social circles of human traffickers
and the social circles of new potential clients (e.g. of clients no. 8 and 9 in Dhule).
54 As it was described in the second chapter, Dhule is approximately 230 km from Ahmednagar
by car. Currently (in 2014), if one hires a taxi, one pays 8.5-14.5 INR per km. {Vgl.
http://www.clearcarrental.com (no. 1)}Vilas or Ram were paying much more, up to 4634 INR.
{Vgl.: http://www.clearcarrental.com (no. 2)}He rented cars for a few days. They paid an
additional sum due to the nature of their travels: the transport of an adolescent sex-slave to and
from meetings with clients. It is known that human traffickers bribe people to look the other
way and forget what they have seen. The human traffickers have to prevent intersections
between their own social circles and the circle of the authorities. We must also note that it is
unusual for traffickers to transport their victims by car. The Indian railway is usually their first
choice for the transport of victims. This is due the low costs and reduced risk of being
discovered.
Without knowing the original reasons for Vilas's intersecting the social circle of human
trafficking, one can see that he depends on his vital role as a human trafficker. He was
aware of his function within the group's division of labour and he was motivated. He
was able to make himself more valuable to the organization, in that he was in charge of
the social circles of transport and of expansion. His work in the expansion of the
traffickers' social circle also changed his personal culture. Vilas origianlly only intersect
social circles with the local people of his caste. But, as he worked on expansion for the
group, he intersected social circles of powerful men (e.g. politicians in Dhule). These
intersections affected his sub-consciously guided mind and thus, changed his interaction
with people. After Shila's death he assumed control of their trafficking business which
he continued to run from her house.
4.4 Ram cultures and intersections
Ram's appears to have been at the bottom of the hierarchy with in the circle of
traffickers. He was mainly used for muscle and for difficult and ‘dangerous’ jobs, for
instance, the abduction of new girls. For this work it seems he had a very special social
and cultural background. In observing his statements and his social interactions as
reported in the police reports, it is apparent that he felt less loyalty to the group than did
the others. After the group was arrested and brought to the police-station, the police
noticed that he wanted to abscond. After reading the police reports, it becomes obvious
that this was his intent.
If one compares his statements from interrogations at the police-station with statements
from victims, we can see that he was extremely systematic and calculating in his work.
He knew exactly what he wanted and exactly what had to be done to accomplish this.
We can also see that he must have been operating in observance with local customs.
This becomes apparent in the description of the first contact between Ram and V14.
“She told him her bad financial situation, her family status. After the description
he gave her a job offer. She has to sleep with men as her husband. She would pay for it.
trafficking, one can see that he depends on his vital role as a human trafficker. He was
aware of his function within the group's division of labour and he was motivated. He
was able to make himself more valuable to the organization, in that he was in charge of
the social circles of transport and of expansion. His work in the expansion of the
traffickers' social circle also changed his personal culture. Vilas origianlly only intersect
social circles with the local people of his caste. But, as he worked on expansion for the
group, he intersected social circles of powerful men (e.g. politicians in Dhule). These
intersections affected his sub-consciously guided mind and thus, changed his interaction
with people. After Shila's death he assumed control of their trafficking business which
he continued to run from her house.
4.4 Ram cultures and intersections
Ram's appears to have been at the bottom of the hierarchy with in the circle of
traffickers. He was mainly used for muscle and for difficult and ‘dangerous’ jobs, for
instance, the abduction of new girls. For this work it seems he had a very special social
and cultural background. In observing his statements and his social interactions as
reported in the police reports, it is apparent that he felt less loyalty to the group than did
the others. After the group was arrested and brought to the police-station, the police
noticed that he wanted to abscond. After reading the police reports, it becomes obvious
that this was his intent.
If one compares his statements from interrogations at the police-station with statements
from victims, we can see that he was extremely systematic and calculating in his work.
He knew exactly what he wanted and exactly what had to be done to accomplish this.
We can also see that he must have been operating in observance with local customs.
This becomes apparent in the description of the first contact between Ram and V14.
“She told him her bad financial situation, her family status. After the description
he gave her a job offer. She has to sleep with men as her husband. She would pay for it.
Without knowing the original reasons for Vilas's intersecting the social circle of human
trafficking, one can see that he depends on his vital role as a human trafficker. He was
aware of his function within the group's division of labour and he was motivated. He
was able to make himself more valuable to the organization, in that he was in charge of
the social circles of transport and of expansion. His work in the expansion of the
traffickers' social circle also changed his personal culture. Vilas origianlly only intersect
social circles with the local people of his caste. But, as he worked on expansion for the
group, he intersected social circles of powerful men (e.g. politicians in Dhule). These
intersections affected his sub-consciously guided mind and thus, changed his interaction
with people. After Shila's death he assumed control of their trafficking business which
he continued to run from her house.
4.4 Ram cultures and intersections
Ram's appears to have been at the bottom of the hierarchy with in the circle of
traffickers. He was mainly used for muscle and for difficult and ‘dangerous’ jobs, for
instance, the abduction of new girls. For this work it seems he had a very special social
and cultural background. In observing his statements and his social interactions as
reported in the police reports, it is apparent that he felt less loyalty to the group than did
the others. After the group was arrested and brought to the police-station, the police
noticed that he wanted to abscond. After reading the police reports, it becomes obvious
that this was his intent.
If one compares his statements from interrogations at the police-station with statements
from victims, we can see that he was extremely systematic and calculating in his work.
He knew exactly what he wanted and exactly what had to be done to accomplish this.
We can also see that he must have been operating in observance with local customs.
This becomes apparent in the description of the first contact between Ram and V14.
“She told him her bad financial situation, her family status. After the description
he gave her a job offer. She has to sleep with men as her husband. She would pay for it.
Simmel's theory also takes into account the occurrence of a combination of
intersections, which one calls a triad-combination.56 In this case the second Third who is
named either Laughing Third (Lat.: Tertius gaudens) or third Third (Lat.) divite et
impera.
57 The formation of triad-combinations can be observed in the intersections of
social circles in our case study. The combination of intersections of the social circles of
the human traffickers, of several witnesses, of law enforcement officers and of all those
involved in trial procedures exhibit characteristics of triad-combinations.58 While
56
This is an elementary combination and in the opinion of Georg Simmel one hast to mention
and to use this theory. “Everywhere where are three elements A, B, C build a community, there
are direct relationships. This relationship exists e.g. between A and B and is formed due the
joint relationship to C” [Ger.: “Wo drei Elemente A, B, C eine Gemeinschaft bilden, kommt zu
der unmittelbaren Beziehung, die z.B. zwischen A und B besteht, die mittelbare hinzu, die sie
durch ihr gemeinsames Verhältnis zu C gewinnt.“] (Vgl. Simmel (1908), S. 114.) If this
combination appears new rules apply. The third forces always the two others social circles to
special kind of reactions. In dependents of the reactions of several witnesses the conflict rules
the intersections of social circles.
57
Definition: - The Laughing Third (Tertius gaudens): The Laughing Third acts as a
mediator between two disputing parties. He considers very carefully all possible courses of
action, because there are many available. This third party offers the first and second parties an
option to play a passive role in achieving a resolution to the dispute. If the disputing parties
hold each other in check so that they paralyze each other, the laughing third can exploit this
situation and so obtain a corresponding profit. The Laughing Third can also play one party
against the other by seeming to hold one of the disputing parties in higher favour. If done
correctly, the other party will become worried, take offense, etc. Because , according to Simmel,
the laughing third exhibits, at least superficially, attributes of a referee type figure, it is difficult
to identify the laughing third as such an among others. The laughing third can also takes on
characteristics of a first party - or even third party to third party. Whenever a Laughing Third
enters the picture of a dispute, he influences the outcome. Vgl. Ibid.S. 134- 143.
- Divide et impera: In this constellation, the tripartite scheme, there is an existing or emerging
situation of dispute between two parties, of which the divide et impera third party, the third
Third, takes advantage. The third Third targets these feuding parties, possibly even deliberately
instigating the dispute himself between the other two, and manoeuvres to gain control. He
typically uses the incitement of envy, jealousy and distrust to further exacerbating the dispute.
Clearly formulated terms of either of the disputing parties are not necessary. The third Third
wants to achieve a balance between the two parties, each being convinced of the impossibility of
solving the dispute without the mediation of the third Third. In this case, both sides have
mutually weakened each other's positions to the extent that they can no longer do without him.
Vgl. Simmel (1908), S. 143- 154
58This is an elementary combination that, according to Georg Simmel, must not be overlooked.
“Anytime there are three elements A, B, C, a community exists. They are direct relationships.
This relationship exist e.g. between A and B and is formed due the joint relationship to C”
[Ger.: “Wo drei Elemente A, B, C eine Gemeinschaft bilden, kommt zu der unmittelbaren
Beziehung, die z.B. zwischen A und B besteht, die mittelbare hinzu, die sie durch ihr
gemeinsames Verhältnis zu C gewinnt.“] (Vgl. Simmel (1908), S. 114) If this combination
investigating the case, (types of data sources: dates of investigation and no dates of
observation and dates of interviews) the Indian authorities had to alter and separate the
intersecting of social circles. We see this in the police reports: For example, as the
drivers hired by Vilas were unwilling to cooperate, the police tried to weaken their
loyalty to Vilas and his social circle while also trying to win their trust and loyalty for
themselves. The motive being the arrest and prosecution of the traffickers. This
intersection of social circles between human traffickers and the external drivers shows
that both social circles share more commonalities than the intersections of the social
circles between the drivers and the Indian authorities. Because of this conflict the
judicative intersected the new social circle, wilfully, as the Laughing Third, by having
the target (interests) of the third Third. The human traffickers took the role of the
laughing third, in that they were criminals, human traffickers, making money from the
transport of victims. That was the cause of conflict for the drivers. Because of their
wilful agreement to work for the traffickers, they knew that they had intersected the
social circle of drivers and supporters of human trafficking. After that moment, they
tried to avoid any intersection with the social circles which may lead to an intersection
with Indian authorities.
The intersections of social circles between human traffickers and their clients are not
described in detail. However, the records reveal many other details: the increasing
number of intersections of social circles and their expansion, modes of transporting
victims in public settings, the price paid by clients for a meeting with V14 (250 INR),
clients' professions. Realistically, this is an extremely complex combination of
intersections of social circles each of which demanded specific knowledge of a
particular culture before an intersection was allowed. In addition to the theory of
Simmel all involved people (trafficker and clients) had several commonalities
(interests). We see that the conflict and the social circle of human traffickers act as the
Laughing Third, when analysing the intersection of social circles between human
traffickers, clients and the Indian judiciary. The judiciary had a role as the third Third.
By analyzing the entire social circle of the group of human traffickers, two main
intersections of social circles become apparent. The first is the intersection of social
circles of Shila and Ramesh. Both intersected the social circle of human trafficker who
appears, new rules apply. The third will always causes the two others social circles into special
kind of reactions. This depends on the reaction of several witnesses. This conflict controls the
intersections of social circles.
overseers for V14. They kept her under their control with abuse and threats. Shila and
Ram intersected with the social circle of human traffickers firstly by engaging in the
breaking of the victims and secondly by placing the victims under their personal
control. According to Simmel's theory, this intersection is only possible with a common
cultural background. Therefore, we can conclude that people from OBCs assert their
will more aggressively than people from more respected castes.
Vilas and Ramesh both being from the Maratha caste appear to be relatively friendly
with V14 when compared with two people from OBCs Shila and Ram. Vilas appears to
have used a more diplomatic approach and to have been more ‘cultivated’ culturally.
His level of sophistication allowed him to interact with like social circles (politicians,
business owners, partners in large firms) ‘relatively easy’. This shows us that, differing
in his behaviour from that of Shila and Ram's aggression and caution, Vilas was guided
by another sub-conscious mind. Another argument for Vilas's relatively friendly and
diplomatic culture is the hostility of the external drivers when dealing with the Indian
authorities. Not only was Vilas a male from the Maratha caste, he was also responsible
for arranging transport for the traffickers and in charge of expanding social circles. This
enabled him to play the role of the laughing third in order to intersect with new social
circles. For these intersections with the new social circles, he won the ‘trust’ of clients
and others who were external to the organization. If he was able to draw them into
conflicts, he would use the situation for his own benefits. People drawn into his circle
where then unable to report him to the police, because they were either financially
dependent on this new social circle or because they risked incriminating themselves.
Like Vilas, Ramesh was a male from the Maratha caste. He worked more behind the
scenes, like Shila. But he played a lesser role than Shila and Vilas in finding new
intersections for their social circles. He only took on a larger role in this regard after
Shila's death. He was able to take over Shila's functions within the organization because
he was seen as her husband. He was able to block the red tape which would have
impeded their business. As previously mentioned, Shila's house was being used as a
brothel. According to police reports, the house was central to the group operations, as it
functioned as a location where several social circles could safely intersect. We note that
after Shila's arrest and death, the house continued to be used by the traffickers. Due to
the sensitive nature of the case and fears of how the general public in India might react
to public acknowledgment of a brothel (see chapter 4.4), police reports were not kept by
the authorities at the beginning of the investigation. Therefore, we must assume that
neighbours believed that Shila and Ramesh were simply a married couple running a
marriage brokering business from their home (see chapter 2.1).
In front of the members of Snehalaya and the police they (Shila and Ramesh) stated that
they wanted to help V14 to find a husband. In reality, it was a safe house being used for
the transport of victims to other locations and was being used as a brothel by the group.
According to reports, they successfully prevented any intersections with social circles of
the public, including any cases of being associated with a brothel. Applying Simmel's
theory, this was clearly the (for Shila and Ramesh) division of labour. The exact reasons
(conflict) motivating Ramesh to intersect with the social circle of human trafficking
remains undetermined, because there is too little formation in regards of his interactions
with other people. Although, from what we know about the other traffickers, we can
speculate that he was pulled into Shila's main circle by conflict, as was the case with the
others.
List of references
Literature
Breiger, R. L. (1974): The duality of persons and groups; In: Social forces; Vol.53; Jg.; Heft 2; S.
181-190.
Deshpande, P. (2004): Caste as Maratha: Social categories, colonial policy and identity in early
twentieth-century Maharashtra; In: Indian Economic & Social History Review; Vol.41; Jg.; Heft
1; S. 7-32.
Frisby, D. and Simmel, G. (2000): Georg Simmel in Wien: Texte und Kontexte aus dem Wien
der Jahrhundertwende; Vom Wesen der Kultur; Aufl.; WUV;S.
Granovetter, M. (1985): Economic action and social structure: the problem of embeddedness;
In: American journal of sociology; Jg.; Heft S. 481-510.
Gupta, D. (2005): Caste and politics: identity over system; In: Annu. Rev. Anthropol.; Vol.34;
Jg.; Heft S. 409-427.
Hawking, S. (2003): Eine kurze Geschichte der Zeit; 22. Aufl.; Rowohlt Verlag GmbH.
Kadushin, C. (2004): Introduction to social network theory; In: Boston, MA; Jg.; Heft S.
Kruse, V. (2012): Geschichte der Soziologie; 2. Aufl.; UTB basics 3063
Malhotra, K. (1979): Inbreeding among four Dhangar (shepherd) castes of Maharashtra, India:
Differences among districts; In: Coll. Antropol; Vol.3; Jg.; Heft S. 19-28.
Patterson, M. L. (1954): Caste and Political Leadership in Maharashtra; In: The Economic
Weekly; Jg.; Heft S. 1066-7.
Simmel, G. (1890): Über sociale Differenzierung: sociologische und psychologische
Untersuchungen; 10. Aufl.; Duncker & Humblot.
Simmel, G. (1908): 1992: Soziologie: Untersuchungen über die Formen der Vergesellschaftung,
hrsg. von Otthein Rammstedt; Aufl.;
Sutar, A. (2013): Re-orienting Social Sciences Research in India; In: Indian Journal of Social
Science Research; Vol.1; Jg.; Heft 1; S. 5-10.
United_Nations (2009): Global Report on TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS; In: Jg.; Heft S. 1-292.
United_Nations (2012): Global Report on Trafficking in Persons 2012; In: Jg.; Heft S. 1-102.
Wellman, B. and Berkowitz, S. D. (1988): Social structures: A network approach; 4: The
duality of persons and groups; Aufl.; CUP Archive;S.
Erklärung
Ich erkläre hiermit an Eides statt, dass ich die vorliegende Bachelorarbeit selbständig und ohne
unerlaubte Hilfsmittel angefertigt, andere als die angegebenen Quellen und Hilfsmittel nicht
benutzt und die den benutzten Quellen wörtlich oder inhaltlich entnommenen Stellen als solche
kenntlich gemacht habe.
Berlin, den 20. Juni 2014 ……………………………..
Mathias Reier
Keine Kommentare:
Kommentar veröffentlichen